March 23, 1775 ~ MR. PRESIDENT: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. |
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Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope.
We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of
that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men,
engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of
the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not,
the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part,
whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth;
to know the worst, and to provide for it.
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I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp
of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And
judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the
British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which
gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House? Is it that
insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not,
sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed
with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition
comports with these war-like preparations which cover our waters and
darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that
force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir.
These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to
which kings resort. I ask, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if
its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other
possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has
none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent
over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have
been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try
argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we
anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up
in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we
resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which
have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the
storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated;
we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and
have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry
and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have
produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been
disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the
throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace
and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be
free² if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which
we have been so long contending²if we mean not basely to abandon the noble
struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged
ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be
obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and
to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable
an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard
shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution
and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying
supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our
enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make
a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our
power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in
such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which
our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles
alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who
will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the
strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have
no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire
from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our
chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The
war is inevitable²and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace²but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
Source: Wirt, William. Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry . (Philadelphia) 1836, as reproduced in The World's Great Speeches, Lewis Copeland and Lawrence W. Lamm, eds., (New York) 1973.
To avoid interference from Lieutenant-Governor Dunmore and his Royal Marines, the Second Virginia Convention met March 20, 1775 inland at Richmond--in what is now called St. John's Church--instead of the Capitol in Williamsburg. Delegate Patrick Henry presented resolutions to raise a militia, and to put Virginia in a posture of defense. Henry's opponents urged caution and patience until the crown replied to Congress' latest petition for reconciliation.
On the 23rd, Henry presented a proposal to organize a volunteer company of cavalry or infantry in every Virginia county. By custom, Henry addressed himself to the Convention's president, Peyton Randolph of Williamsburg. Henry's words were not transcribed, but no one who heard them forgot their eloquence, or Henry's closing words: "Give me liberty, or give me death!"
Henry's first biographer, William Wirt of Maryland, was
three-years-old in 1775. An assistant federal prosecutor in Aaron
Burr's trial for treason
at Richmond in 1807, and later attorney general of the United States,
Wirt began
to collect materials for the biography in 1808, nine years after Henry's
death.
From the recollections of men like Thomas Jefferson, Wirt reconstructed
an account of Henry's life, including the remarks presented below. Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
>>"Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death!"<<
Listen
Richard Schumann interprets the character of Patrick Henry for The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation. Listen as he re-creates Patrick Henry's powerful words spoken March 23, 1775 at St. John's Henrico Parish Church in Richmond.
Listen to the full speech (audio clip 7:05) Download MP3
Listen to closing remarks leading to "Give me liberty or give me death." (audio clip 2:35) Download MP3
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COMIN FOR TO CARRY ME HOME ~SWING LOW SWEET CHARIOT
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