KOHN-KERRY |
Syrian President Banshar al-Assad |
PUTIN, CAMERON, SOETERO |
On May 23, Secretary of State John Kerry threatened Syrian President Bashar al-Assad with the following statement concerning U.S. military support of Syrian rebels:
“In the event that we can’t find that way forward, in the event that
the Assad regime is unwilling to negotiate Geneva I in good faith, we
will also talk about our continued support and growing support for the
opposition in order to permit them to continue to be able to fight for
the freedom of their country.” He repeated that threat again yesterday,
July 2, using the same appeal to Geneva I.
So
the obvious question—one completely unaddressed by mainstream media—is:
“What does Geneva I say that Kerry is so resolute in appealing to it?”
This article aims only to address this question briefly, and to suggest a
few points of discussion for an examination of what the U.S. is doing
in Syria that might be applicable to Geneva I, which so animates Kerry’s
assertions of Assad’s international legal responsibilities.
As
is the case of all U.S. government pronouncements these days, one must
examine the consistency, or lack of it, that stands under or behind U.S.
decrees. Those seeking consistency from the Obama administration’s
policy toward Syria would be disappointed to learn that Geneva I calls
for two specific responsibilities of nations involving themselves in
military conflicts within other nations. In each of these two cases, the
Obama administration outright ignores these laws while holding Assad
accountable to the Convention.
Geneva I is entitled “The Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field.”
Among other things, it contains the following two prescriptions for
“outsider” nations involving itself in the internal violence of another
nation:
Art. 11.
“Any
neutral Power, or any organization invited by the Power concerned or
offering itself for these purposes, shall be required to act with a
sense of responsibility towards the Party to the conflict on which
persons protected by the present Convention depend, and shall be
required to furnish sufficient assurances that it is in a position to
undertake the appropriate functions and to discharge them impartially.”
Art. 50.
“Grave
breaches to which the preceding Article relates shall be those
involving any of the following acts, if committed against persons or
property protected by the Convention: willful killing, torture or
inhuman treatment, including biological experiments, willfully causing
great suffering or serious injury to body or health, and extensive
destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military
necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly.”
Regarding Article 50, we can begin the discussion by noting two things.
Second,
one need only examine the barrage of news stories that demonstrate the
atrocities of the rebel gangs in Syria being militarily supported by the
U.S. Even a cursory examination of the stories demonstrates that these
gangs are deliberately attacking civilians and causing other injury and
destruction “not justified by military necessity” (Article 50). The
standard U.S. line in response to this is that President Assad’s army is
doing the same thing. However, this excuse is both morally and legally
(to say nothing of logically) insufficient to justify one’s own actions.
Regarding
Article 11, there likewise are at least two things to be noted to start
a discussion about what the U.S. is doing in Syria.
Second,
it is important to underscore the most glaringly obvious point
regarding the U.S. ignoring international conventions, and that is in
the crime of aggression, by definition (in the
Rome Statute in 1998, Article 5), the use of armed force by one State
against another State without the justification of self-defense or
authorization by the U.N. Security Council. It
is based on the dual principles of limiting the power of nations to
engage in military aggression, with the sole exception of self-defense,
and making that proscription apply equally to all nations. Justice
Robert H. Jackson, chief prosecutor in the Nuremberg Trials, made those
principles quite clear, and they were used in the U.N. Charter
concerning war.
For our purposes here, it is important to highlight Article 8, Section I of the Rome Statute, which states that the “crime
of aggression” means the planning, preparation, initiation or
execution, by a person in a position effectively to exercise control
over or to direct the political or military action of a State, of an act
of aggression which, by its character, gravity and scale, constitutes a
manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations.”
Most
critically, note Section 2(g) of the Statute, where the crime of
aggression is spelled out most clearly regarding the supply of rebels,
such as the U.S. is doing in Syria: “The sending by or on behalf of a
State of armed bands, groups, irregulars or mercenaries, which carry out
acts of armed force against another State of such gravity as to amount
to the acts listed above, or its substantial involvement therein.”
So
once again, we have a United States government making proclamations and
threats holding another government to the letter of the law, while it
egregiously violates the most important parts of the law to which they
are holding another nation; in this case, Syria. It is not too much for
us to demand that the Obama administration act consistently within the
rule of law if it intends to capture the moral high ground with regard
to its actions in Syria. But, then again, with all the duplicity and
direct violations of international law coming out of the administration,
capturing the legal or moral high ground seems not to be Obama’s real
concern at all. This is much to the detriment and safety of the entire
world, since the sole world superpower is demonstrating itself to be
simply a rogue state.
Dr. Robert P. Abele holds a Ph.D. in Philosophy from Marquette University He
is the author of three books: A User’s Guide to the USA PATRIOT Act
(2005); The Anatomy of a Deception: A Logical and Ethical Analysis of
the Decision to Invade Iraq (2009); Democracy Gone: A Chronicle of the
Last Chapters of the Great American Democratic Experiment (2009). He
contributed eleven chapters to the Encyclopedia of Global Justice, from
The Hague: Springer Press (October, 2011). Dr. Abele is a
professor of philosophy at Diablo Valley College, located in Pleasant
Hill, California in the San Francisco Bay area.
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